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Saturday, April 21, 2012

Small Business Tax Cut Act

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(Mr. McCLINTOCK asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.)

Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Speaker, the House just passed H.R. 9, purporting to give a temporary tax cut to small businesses. I say ``purporting'' because it doesn't cut spending at the same time, and thus it merely shifts current taxes into the future. Once a dollar has been spent, it has already become a tax, taken either from today or from tomorrow to pay off deficits.

Nor does H.R. 9 do much to promote economic growth because it does little to reward new productivity at the margin. At best, it produces a 1-year sugar high until the bills come due.

Tax cuts without either spending reductions or real economic growth are an illusion. Real tax reform would permanently reduce the marginal tax rate for all businesses and cut government spending concurrently. This would encourage and reward growth, shift investment decisions from politicians to entrepreneurs, and not rob our economy of its future. I hope before the end of this session that we will do so.

(House of Representatives - April 19, 2012)

Wednesday, March 14, 2012

The Premeditated Murder of New-Born Babies Justified as Morally Equivalent to Abortion






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   The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Foxx). Under the Speaker's announced policy of January 5, 2011, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
   Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Thank you very much, Madam Speaker.
   Late last month, two bioethicists--Dr. Alberto Giubilini and Francesca Minerva--published an outrageous paper in the Journal of Medical Ethics, justifying the deliberate, premeditated murder of new-born babies during the first days and even weeks after birth.
   Giubilini and Minerva wrote: ``When circumstances occur after birth that



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would have justified abortion, what we call after-birth abortion should be permissible.''
   Madam Speaker, they've just coined a brand-new phrase, ``after-birth abortion,'' which is the killing of newborns, the killing of little children--boys and girls--immediately after their births and up to weeks later. These bioethicists argue that if a newly born child poses an economic burden on a family or is disabled or is unwanted that that child can be murdered in cold blood because the baby lacks intrinsic value, and according to Giubilini and Minerva, it is simply not a person.
   Giubilini and Minerva write: ``Actual people's well-being--'' and you and I, Madam Speaker, are actual people; adults are actual people according to them ``--could be threatened by a new-born, even if healthy child, requiring energy, money and care which the family might happen to be in short supply of.''
   As any parents--especially moms--will tell you, children in general, and newborns in particular, require an enormous amount of energy, money, and boatloads of love. If any of those things, however, are lacking or pose what Giubilini and Minerva call a ``threat,'' does that justify a death sentence? Are the lives of new-born children and new-born babies so cheap? so expendable?
   The murder of newly born children is further justified by Giubilini and Minerva in this renowned journal's article--why they carried it is certainly suspect--because new-born infants, like their slightly younger sisters and brothers in the womb, ``cannot have formed any aim that she is prevented from accomplishing.'' In other words, no dreams, no plans for the future, no ``aims'' that can be discerned, recognized or understood by adults equal no life at all.
   This preposterous, arbitrary, and evil prerequisite for the attainment of legal personhood is not only bizarre; it is inhumane in the extreme. Stripped of its pseudo-intellectual underpinnings, the Giubilini and Minerva rationale for murdering newborns in the nursery is indistinguishable from any other child predator wielding a knife or a gun.
   Giubilini and Minerva say the devaluation of new-born babies is inextricably linked to the devaluation of unborn children. Let me say that again. The devaluation of new-born babies, even into weeks of their lives outside their mothers' wombs, is inextricably linked to the devaluation of unborn children and is, indeed, the logical extension of the abortion culture. They also write this: that they ``propose to call the practice after-birth abortion rather than infanticide in order to emphasize that the moral status of the individual killed--'' that is to say the baby ``--is comparable to that of a fetus ..... Whether she will exist is exactly what our choice is about.''
   So let's again get this right because the unborn child has been deemed to be a nonperson and can be killed at will. For the new-born child, who is very, very similar in almost every aspect except dependency and its not being a little bit more mature, the choice is, if it is unwanted, that the parents can order the killing, the execution, of that child.
   



[Time: 13:20]

   Madam Speaker, these anti-child, pro-murder rationalizations remind me of other equally disturbing rants from highly credentialed individuals over the years. Princeton's Peter Singer suggested a couple of years ago--and I quote him in pertinent part:
   There are various things you can say that are sufficient to give moral status to a child after a few months, maybe 6 months or something like that, and you get perhaps a full moral status, really, only after 2 years.
   Break that down. Only after 2 years, Madam Speaker, should we really confer a sense of personhood to a child who is no longer a baby anymore because of this particular intellectual's perspective.
   Dr. James Watson, the Nobel Laureate for unraveling the mystery of DNA many, many years ago, wrote in Prism Magazine:
   If a child were not declared alive until 3 days after birth, then all parents could be allowed the choice only a few have under the present system. The doctor could allow the child to die if the parents so choose and save a lot of misery and suffering. I believe this view is the only rational, compassionate attitude to have.
   Compassionate to allow a newborn to die? I think not.
   In like manner, Dr. Francis Crick, who received the Nobel Prize along with Watson said:
   No new-born infant should be declared human until it has passed certain tests regarding its genetic endowment and that if it fails these tests it forfeits the right to live.
   Madam Speaker, the dehumanization of unborn children has been going on for decades. What is less understood and appreciated is the dehumanization of new-born and very young infants. That too has been going on for years, but it has gotten in the last few years demonstrably worse.
   Giubilini and Minerva's article must serve as a wake-up call. The lives of young children who are truly the most unprotected class of individuals in our society are under assault. Hard questions need to be asked and answered and defenders of life must be mobilized. I truly believe we have a duty to protect the weakest and the most vulnerable from violence; and now even the hospital nursery is not a place of refuge or sanctuary.
   Madam Speaker, we must strive for consistency. I have been hearing about it for 32 years, and I've worked every single day of my congressional life on human rights issues, from human trafficking to religious freedom. I've written the Trafficking Victims Protection Act back in 2000 to combat modern-day slavery. I work against torture all over the world, wherever and whenever it rears its horrific head. That is especially in places like China, North Korea, and elsewhere.
   But I am left to wonder why so many who claim to be proponents of human rights systematically dehumanize and exclude the weakest and the most vulnerable human beings from legal protection.
   Why the modern-day surge in prejudice and ugly bias against unborn children and now, by logical extension, new-born children? Why the policy of exclusion rather than inclusion? They are indeed part of the human family. We should embrace them, love them, and protect them. Why is lethal violence against children, abortion, and premeditated killing of new-born infants marketed and sold as somehow benign or progressive, enlightened, and compassionate? Why have so many good people turned a blind eye and looked askance as mothers are wounded by abortion and their babies in the womb pulverized by suction machines 20 to 30 times more powerful than household vacuum cleaners or dismembered with surgical knives or poisoned with chemicals? Looking back, how could anyone in the House or the Senate or President Clinton justify the hideous procedure called ``partial birth abortion''?
   Madam Speaker, since 1973, well over 54 million babies have had abortion forced upon them. Some of those children have been exterminated in the second and third trimester. These are known as pain-capable babies. Those kids have suffered excruciating pain as the abortionist committed his violence upon him or her. Why are some surprised that now the emerging class of victims, new-born kids, new-born children, are being slaughtered in Holland and elsewhere while a perverse proposal to murder any new-born children, sick or healthy, is advanced in an otherwise serious and respected ethics journal?
   I urge Members to read this article. It will make you sick. It certainly is the opening salvo in an assault on new-born children.
   In conclusion, Madam Speaker, children born and unborn are precious. Children sick, disabled, or healthy possess fundamental human rights that no sane or compassionate society can abridge. The premeditated murder of new-born babies, those who are 1 day old after birth, 2 weeks, 3 weeks old is now being justified as being morally equivalent to abortion.
   I respectfully submit, Madam Speaker, that the Congress, the courts, the President, and society at large have a sacred duty to protect all children from violence, murder, and exploitation. We don't have a moment to lose. The child predators are working overtime to create more victims.
   Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time. 

Sunday, March 4, 2012

Blunt Amendment


S.AMDT.1520 

Amends: S.1813 , S.AMDT.1730 
Sponsor: Sen Blunt, Roy [MO] (submitted 2/9/2012) (proposed 2/28/2012)

AMENDMENT PURPOSE:
To amend the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act to protect rights of conscience with regard to requirements for coverage of specific items and services.

TEXT OF AMENDMENT AS SUBMITTED: CR S538-539

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   SA 1520. Mr. BLUNT (for himself, Mr. McConnell, Mr. Johanns, Mr. Wicker, Mr. Hatch, Ms. Ayotte, Mr. Rubio, Mr. Nelson of Nebraska, Mr. Roberts, Mr.McCain, Mr. Kyl, Mr. Coats, Mr. Barrasso, Mr. Toomey, Mr. Lugar, Mr. Cornyn, Mr. Boozman, Mr. Paul, Mr. Hoeven, and Mr. Graham) submitted an amendment intended to be proposed by him to the bill S. 1813, to reauthorize Federal-aid highway and highway safety construction programs, and for other purposes; which was ordered to lie on the table; as follows:
    At the appropriate place, insert the following:
   SEC. __. RESPECT FOR RIGHTS OF CONSCIENCE.
    (a) Findings and Purposes.--
    (1) FINDINGS.--Congress finds the following:
    (A) As Thomas Jefferson declared to New London Methodists in 1809, ``[n]o provision in our Constitution ought to be dearer to man than that which protects the rights of conscience against the enterprises of the civil authority''.
    (B) Jefferson's statement expresses a conviction on respect for conscience that is deeply embedded in the history and traditions of our Nation and codified in numerous State and Federal laws, including laws on health care.
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    (C) Until enactment of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (Public Law 111-148, in this section referred to as ``PPACA''), the Federal Government has not sought to impose specific coverage or care requirements that infringe on the rights of conscience of insurers, purchasers of insurance, plan sponsors, beneficiaries, and other stakeholders, such as individual or institutional health care providers.
    (D) PPACA creates a new nationwide requirement for health plans to cover ``essential health benefits'' and ``preventive services'' (including a distinct set of ``preventive services for women''), delegating to the Department of Health and Human Services the authority to provide a list of detailed services under each category, and imposes other new requirements with respect to the provision of health care services.
    (E) While PPACA provides an exemption for some religious groups that object to participation in Government health programs generally, it does not allow purchasers, plan sponsors, and other stakeholders with religious or moral objections to specific items or services to decline providing or obtaining coverage of such items or services, or allow health care providers with such objections to decline to provide them.
    (F) By creating new barriers to health insurance and causing the loss of existing insurance arrangements, these inflexible mandates in PPACA jeopardize the ability of individuals to exercise their rights of conscience and their ability to freely participate in the health insurance and health care marketplace.
    (2) PURPOSES.--The purposes of this section are--
    (A) to ensure that health care stakeholders retain the right to provide, purchase, or enroll in health coverage that is consistent with their religious beliefs and moral convictions, without fear of being penalized or discriminated against under PPACA; and
    (B) to ensure that no requirement in PPACA creates new pressures to exclude those exercising such conscientious objection from health plans or other programs under PPACA.
    (b) Respect for Rights of Conscience.--
    (1) IN GENERAL.--Section 1302(b) of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (Public Law 111-148; 42 U.S.C. 18022(b)) is amended by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
    ``(6) RESPECTING RIGHTS OF CONSCIENCE WITH REGARD TO SPECIFIC ITEMS OR SERVICES.--
    ``(A) FOR HEALTH PLANS.--A health plan shall not be considered to have failed to provide the essential health benefits package described in subsection (a) (or preventive health services described in section 2713 of the Public Health Service Act), to fail to be a qualified health plan, or to fail to fulfill any other requirement under this title on the basis that it declines to provide coverage of specific items or services because--
    ``(i) providing coverage (or, in the case of a sponsor of a group health plan, paying for coverage) of such specific items or services is contrary to the religious beliefs or moral convictions of the sponsor, issuer, or other entity offering the plan; or
    ``(ii) such coverage (in the case of individual coverage) is contrary to the religious beliefs or moral convictions of the purchaser or beneficiary of the coverage.
    ``(B) FOR HEALTH CARE PROVIDERS.--Nothing in this title (or any amendment made by this title) shall be construed to require an individual or institutional health care provider, or authorize a health plan to require a provider, to provide, participate in, or refer for a specific item or service contrary to the provider's religious beliefs or moral convictions. Notwithstanding any other provision of this title, a health plan shall not be considered to have failed to provide timely or other access to items or services under this title (or any amendment made by this title) or to fulfill any other requirement under this title because it has respected the rights of conscience of such a provider pursuant to this paragraph.
    ``(C) NONDISCRIMINATION IN EXERCISING RIGHTS OF CONSCIENCE.--No Exchange or other official or entity acting in a governmental capacity in the course of implementing this title (or any amendment made by this title) shall discriminate against a health plan, plan sponsor, health care provider, or other person because of such plan's, sponsor's, provider's, or person's unwillingness to provide coverage of, participate in, or refer for, specific items or services pursuant to this paragraph.
    ``(D) CONSTRUCTION.--Nothing in subparagraph (A) or (B) shall be construed to permit a health plan or provider to discriminate in a manner inconsistent with subparagraphs (B) and (D) of paragraph (4).
    ``(E) PRIVATE RIGHTS OF ACTION.--The various protections of conscience in this paragraph constitute the protection of individual rights and create a private cause of action for those persons or entities protected. Any person or entity may assert a violation of this paragraph as a claim or defense in a judicial proceeding.
    ``(F) REMEDIES.--
    ``(i) FEDERAL JURISDICTION.--The Federal courts shall have jurisdiction to prevent and redress actual or threatened violations of this paragraph by granting all forms of legal or equitable relief, including, but not limited to, injunctive relief, declaratory relief, damages, costs, and attorney fees.
    ``(ii) INITIATING PARTY.--An action under this paragraph may be instituted by the Attorney General of the United States, or by any person or entity having standing to complain of a threatened or actual violation of this paragraph, including, but not limited to, any actual or prospective plan sponsor, issuer, or other entity offering a plan, any actual or prospective purchaser or beneficiary of a plan, and any individual or institutional health care provider.
    ``(iii) INTERIM RELIEF.--Pending final determination of any action under this paragraph, the court may at any time enter such restraining order or prohibitions, or take such other actions, as it deems necessary.
    ``(G) ADMINISTRATION.--The Office for Civil Rights of the Department of Health and Human Services is designated to receive complaints of discrimination based on this paragraph and coordinate the investigation of such complaints.
    ``(H) ACTUARIAL EQUIVALENCE.--Nothing in this paragraph shall prohibit the Secretary from issuing regulations or other guidance to ensure that health plans excluding specific items or services under this paragraph shall have an aggregate actuarial value at least equivalent to that of plans at the same level of coverage that do not exclude such items or services.''.
    (2) EFFECTIVE DATE.--The amendment made by paragraph (1) shall be effective as if included in the enactment of Public Law 111-148.

STATUS:
    2/28/2012:
    Amendment SA 1520 proposed by Senator Reid for Senator Blunt to Amendment SA 1730. (consideration: CR S1079-1082S1082S1083; text: CRS1079)
    2/29/2012:
    Considered by Senate. (consideration: CR S1106S1112S1115-1142)
    3/1/2012:
    Considered by Senate. (consideration: CR S1162S1162-1173)
    3/1/2012:
    Motion to table amendment SA 1520 agreed to in Senate by Yea-Nay Vote. 51 - 48. Record Vote Number: 24.
COSPONSORS(23):

Friday, March 2, 2012

News for Mrs. Boxer: We have never needed this kind of conscience clause before.


Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I have news for the supporters of the Blunt amendment: We were not born yesterday. And no matter how many times they say this is nothing more than a restatement of old laws, the facts are not with them. We have never had a conscience clause for insurance companies. 

We have never needed a conscience clause for employers before.  Never before has the law required every policy to cover something morally objectionable.  It is a "restatement of old laws" in that it allows the state of the old, pre-Affordable Care Act, state of the law to continue in the new Affordable Care Act era.

And if you wanted to give them a chance to say no, a lot of them don't have any conscience, so they would take it. And this is what Blunt does. It


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allows any insurance company that doesn't want to provide a service--maybe an expensive service--to say, oh, I meant to tell you, I have a moral objection to this.


   What a situation. How many people have struggled with their insurance companies to get them to cover what they have paid for for years and years and years, only to have the insurance company say, sorry, sue us. Now Mr. Blunt is giving insurance companies a way to say, oh, we feel sorry that you have cancer; we are sad you have diabetes; we are torn apart you might have a stroke, but, you know what, we have a moral objection to the kind of therapies that are out there today, so we are sorry.
   That is what the Blunt amendment does.

The Blunt amendment is there to allow anyone who has a moral objection to funding abortion-inducing drugs to not fund them.

   Should anyone think I am making it up, let's look at the words in the Blunt amendment. They are right here. They are right here. So the Senator from Maine can say whatever she wants about it, the Senator from Missouri can talk about what he wants to, but the fact is they say if you deny any coverage from the essential health benefits package or the preventive health package it is fine as long as you hide behind--my words--a moral objection.

Abortion is not essential.

The Congressional Record cannot reflect this, but in one of the instances where Sen. Barbara Boxer used the word "moral" her inflection demeaned the word entirely.


   This started out with birth control. There was a hearing over in the House, and this iconic picture will last through my lifetime and yours. Here is a photograph of a panel discussing women's health care over in the Republican House. A discussion on women's health care. Do you see one woman there? I don't. They are all men. And these men are waxing eloquent about birth control and the fact that, oh, it is just a moral issue with them and they do not think women should have the right to have it. Not one of them suggested men shouldn't have their Viagra, but we will put that aside. We will put that aside.

The discussion was on religious freedom.

   Not one woman was called. And when a woman raised her hand in the audience and said, I have a very important story to tell about a friend of mine who lost her ovary because she couldn't afford birth control, which would have controlled the size of the cyst on the ovary, you know what Mr. Issa said over there? He said, you are not qualified. You are not qualified to talk about women's issues. I guess only men are qualified to talk about women's issues. We have men on the other side of the aisle here, for the most part--with a little assist--telling women what their rights should be.

A story about a woman losing her ovary does not qualify any man or woman to participate in a discussion of the religious freedom implications of forcing every employer in the country to fund abortion-inducing drugs.

   I cannot believe this battle is on a highway bill, on a transportation bill, where 2.8 million jobs are at stake. We have been diverted with this amendment about women's health. Look at the different important benefits that any insurer or any employer could walk away from. Because if this amendment passes, they would have the right to do so. They would no longer have to cover emergency services, hospitalization, maternity care, mental health treatment, pediatric services, rehabilitative services, ambulatory patient services, laboratory services. They would no longer have to offer breast cancer screenings, cervical cancer screenings. 

They would no longer have to offer abortion-inducing drugs.

All they have to do is say, oh, I am sorry, we believe prayer is the answer. 

Yes, some of us still believe in asking God for help.

We don't believe in chemotherapy. If someone is heavy and they are obese and they get diabetes, we have a moral objection to helping them because, you know what, they didn't lead a clean life. So they could deny any of these things--flu vaccines, osteoporosis screening, TB testing for children, autism screening.
   In conclusion, I urge my colleagues to vote down this dangerous amendment. Vote it down. We will have a motion to table, and I urge my colleagues to stand for the women and the families of this Nation and let's get back to the highway bill. Get rid of this thing.

(Senate - March 01, 2012) - MOVING AHEAD FOR PROGRESS IN THE 21ST CENTURY ACT

Religious Freedom


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   Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I have spent a lot of time in my Senate career defending the first amendment. Most of that time, I focused on the part that deals with free speech. But recent actions by the Obama administration related to the President's health care law have prompted many of us here and many across the country to stand in defense of another freedom that is covered in the first amendment; that is, religious freedom.
   Let me say at the outset that most of us didn't expect we would ever have to defend this right in a body in which every one of us is sworn to uphold and defend the U.S. Constitution. Most of us probably assumed that if religious liberty were ever seriously challenged in this country, we could always expect a robust, bipartisan defense of it--at least from within the Congress itself. But, unfortunately, that is not the situation in which we find ourselves.
   Democrats have evidently decided they would rather defend a President of their own party regardless of the impact of his policies. So rather than defend the first amendment in this particular case, they have decided to engage in a campaign of distraction as a way of obscuring the larger issue which is at stake.
   If Democrats no longer see the value in defending the first amendment because they don't think it is politically expedient to do so or because they want to protect the President, then Republicans will have to do it for them. And we are happy to do that because this is an issue that is greater than any short-term political gain; it gets right at the heart of who we are as a people, and we welcome the opportunity to affirm what this country is all about.
   What makes America unique in the world is the fact that it was established on the basis of an idea, the idea that all of us have been endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights--in other words, rights that are conferred not by a King or a President or certainly a Congress but by the Creator Himself. The State protects these rights, but it does not grant them, and what the State doesn't grant, the State can't take away.
   The first of these rights, according to the men who wrote the U.S. Constitution, is the right to have one's religious beliefs protected from government interference. The first amendment couldn't be clearer on this point. The government can neither establish religion nor can it prevent its free exercise. And if the free-exercise-of-religion clause of the first amendment means anything at all, it means it is not within the power of the Federal Government to tell anybody what to believe or to punish them for practicing those beliefs. Yet that is precisely what the Obama administration is trying to do through the President's health care law.
   We all remember then-Speaker Pelosi saying that we would have to pass the health care bill to find out what was in it. Well, this is one of the things we found: It empowers bureaucrats here in Washington to decide which tenets religious institutions can and can't adhere to. If they don't get in line, they will be penalized.
   According to congressional testimony delivered this week by Asma Uddin of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, this is not only unprecedented in Federal law but broader in scope and narrower in its exemption than the 28 State mandates that some have pointed to in the administration's defense.
   Moreover, even in States with the strictest mandates, religious institutions can still either opt out of State-level mandate or self-insure. But if they try that now, they run into this new Federal mandate, making it impossible for the first time for religious institutions to avoid punishment for practicing what they preach.
   Some of the proponents of this mandate say that in this case, we should just ignore the first amendment. That is what the proponents are saying--in this particular instance, just ignore the first amendment. They say that certain religious beliefs in question aren't particularly popular, so they don't really deserve first amendment protection. But isn't that the entire point of the first amendment--to protect rights regardless of who or how many people hold them? Isn't that the reason people came to this country in the first place, as a refuge from governments that said they had to toe the majority line?
   Some of the proponents of this mandate have also said they are willing to offer a so-called compromise that would respect what they call the core mission of religious institutions. But here is the catch: They want to be the ones to tell these religious institutions what their core mission is. The government telling the religious institution what the core mission is--that isn't a compromise; that is another government takeover, only this time it isn't the banks or the car companies, it is religion.
   Who do you think has a better grasp of the mission of the Catholic church, the cardinal archbishop of New York or the President's campaign manager? Who are you going to listen to on the question of whether this mandate violates freedom of religion, the president of one of the largest seminaries on the planet, R. Albert Mohler, or some bureaucrat in Washington? The question answers itself.
   Look, this is precisely the kind of thing the Founders feared. It was precisely because of the danger of a government intrusion into religion, like this one, that they left us the first amendment in the first place, so that we could always point to it and say: No government--no government, no President has that right.
   Religious institutions are free to decide what they believe. And the government must respect their right to do so.
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   And remember: as many of us said during the debate on the President's health care bill, this is just the beginning. If the government is allowed to compel people to buy health care, it won't stop there. Now, it is telling people what their religious beliefs are and what their religious practices ought to be. I wonder What is next?
   Let's be clear: this is not about any one particular religion.
   It is about the right of Americans of any religion to live out their faith without the government picking and choosing which doctrines they are allowed to follow. When one religion is threatened, all religions are threatened. And allowing this particular infringement would surely ease the way for others.
   This is something my constituents understood immediately in this debate.
   I have received a lot of letters from religious leaders and concerned citizens who know that an attack on the beliefs of one religion is an attack on the beliefs of any religion. And many of them make the case a lot better than I can. So I'd like to just share for a moment some thoughts from my constituents on this issue.
   I will start with the Catholic Archbishop of Louisville, Archbishop Joseph Kurtz. Here's what he wrote:
   The federal government, which claims to be ``of, by, and for the people,'' has just dealt a heavy blow to almost a quarter of those people--the Catholic population--and to the millions more who are served by the Catholic faithful. In so ruling, the Administration has cast aside the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, denying to Catholics our nation's first and most fundamental freedom, that of religious liberty. We cannot--we will not--comply with this unjust law. People of faith cannot be made second class citizens.
   Here's Bishop Ronald Gainer of the Catholic Diocese of Lexington:
   Civil law and civil structures should recognize and protect the Church's right and obligation to participate in society without expecting us or forcing us to abandon or compromise our fundamental moral convictions. If we have an obligation to teach and give witness to the moral values that should shape our lives and inspire our society, then there is a corresponding obligation that we be allowed to follow and express freely those religious values. Anything short of government protection of that freedom represents an unwarranted threat of government interference. .....
   Here is the President of the University of the Cumberlands, Jim Taylor:
   The intrusion of the administration into the right of the free exercise of religion is disappointing. The choice to interfere with religious hospitals, charities and schools with a mandate violating their religious views is disconcerting and will, in all probability, be totally counterproductive, further polarizing this nation.
   And, finally, I want to read a letter from Dr. R. Albert Mohler, Jr. I mentioned him earlier. He is the President of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, the flagship school of the Southern Baptist Convention and one of the largest seminaries in the world. I am going to quote it in full.
   I write to express my deepest concern regarding the recent policy announced by the Department of Health and Human Services that will require religious institutions to provide mandated contraceptive and abortifacient services to employees.
   This policy, announced by Secretary Sebelius, tramples upon the religious liberty of American Christians, who are now informed that our colleges, schools, hospitals, and other service organizations must violate conscience in order to comply with the Affordable Care Act. The religious exemption announced by the Obama Administration is so intentionally narrow that it will cover only congregations and religious institutions that employ and serve only members of our own faiths.
   This exemption deliberately excludes Christian institutions that have served this nation and its people through education, social services, and heath care. The new policy effectively tells Christian institutions that, if we want to remain true to our convictions and consciences, we will have to cease serving the public. This is a policy that will either require millions upon millions of Americans to accept a gross and deliberate violation of religious liberty, or to accept the total secularization of all education and social services.
   Christians of conscience are now informed by our own government that we must violate our convictions on a matter of grave theological and moral significance. This is not a Catholic issue. The inclusion of abortifacient forms of birth control such as so-called emergency contraceptives will violate the deepest beliefs of millions upon millions of Christians, along with Americans of other faiths who share these convictions. The religious objections to this policy are rooted in centuries of teaching, belief, and moral instruction.
   This policy is an outrage that violates our deepest constitutional principles and tramples religious liberty under the feet of deliberate government policy. As many religious leaders have already indicated, we cannot comply with this policy. The one-year extension offered by the Obama Administration is a further insult, providing a year in which we are, by government mandate, to prepare to sacrifice our religious liberties and violate conscience.
   I, along with millions of other Americans, humbly request that the Congress of the United States provide an immediate and effective remedy to this intolerable violation of religious liberty. Please do not allow this abominable policy to stand. The protection of our most basic and fundamental liberties now rests in your hands.
   I will conclude with this: if there is one good thing about this debate, it is that it has given all of us an opportunity to reaffirm what we believe as Americans. It gives us an opportunity to stand together and to say, this is what we are all about. This is what makes America unique, and this is what makes it great.
   That is why I will be voting in favor of the Blunt amendment.
   And that is why it is my sincere hope that the President and those in his administration come around to this view too--that they come to realize from the outpouring we have seen over the past several weeks from across the country that the free and diverse exercise of religion in this country has always been one of our nation's greatest assets and one of the things that truly sets us apart. As I said at the outset of this debate, I hope the President reconsiders this deeply misguided policy and reverses it. It crosses a dangerous line. It must be reversed. But if he doesn't, either Congress or the courts will surely act.

Thursday, February 23, 2012

Wake Up, America


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   The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bucshon). Under the Speaker's announced policy of January 5, 2011, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gohmert) is recognized for 30 minutes.
   Mr. GOHMERT. Thank you, Mr. Speaker. These are interesting days in which we live. There is supposed to be an old Chinese curse that says: May you live in interesting times; and it's as if that curse has been placed on us. We certainly live in interesting times.
   On 9/11/2001, this country suffered the worst attack in its history on its homeland. It was worse than December 7, 1941. It left thousands dead, it left the Nation reeling from the feeling of vul ner a bil ity, and it pushed the Federal Government to respond quickly.
   Now, there are a number of things that could be effectuated more effectively in Iraq and Afghanistan. That would be a subject for another time.
   I recall after 9/11, Bill Bennett coming to my hometown of Tyler, Texas, and speaking at Tyler Junior College. And there was a huge crowd that turned out. People, in fact, turned out during those few months after 9/11 in record numbers to their churches and to places of worship in record numbers. Because much like the children of Israel after a disaster, they realized they needed to get back closer to our Creator.
   The FBI, our intelligence attributes, all of our Justice Department, State Department and all of the Bush administration immediately was pushed into gear to do something to protect us. And in that regard, Bill Bennett speaking there in Tyler said, Some people get offended if they look somewhat like someone who committed the worst attack in American history and they're searched more thoroughly than perhaps someone else.
   And Bill said, I just know that if there was a red-headed Irishman that had attacked the United States, he said, I could anticipate having to go through heightened security checks every time I try to fly, every time I try to go anywhere. And he said, If that were to happen, I would understand because, he said, I love this country. I want people to be safe and feel safe, and since someone who looked like me with red hair and my same heritage had committed that act, even though he was and is a law-abiding citizen, he would understand being subjected to more scrutiny.
   There was a time in this country when common sense like that did prevail, when no one would have ever dreamed that in going through security at an airport and somebody like me asking, why did I get pulled aside for the extra inspection and the puffery and all the added scrutiny, and being told, you look like you wouldn't get mad. That told me a lot. I stood there and watched for about 20 minutes. There were a couple of African American businessmen, well dressed, they were pulled aside for the heightened scrutiny. They certainly had no resemblance to anybody that had attacked America on 9/11. A little old lady, one of our seniors, full of vim, vigor and spirit, she was pulled aside. Anyway, interesting times.
   I think our Justice Department, some of our folks who are supposed to be looking out for our protection have been lulled into a false sense of security, and they have done what some say
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would be to respond to the squeaky wheel. The OIC, the 57 Islamic nations that make up the OIC, are the ones that invented the term ``Islamophobia,'' and it was Islamic nations that have funded some of our Ivy League schools, institutions of higher learning yearning for more dollars to accept massive contributions in return for their doing seminars and conferences on Islamophobia and trying to make Americans think there's something wrong with them if they fear the people who brought about 9/11.
   
[Time: 20:10]
   Now, I am grateful for my Muslim friends. I am very grateful for the Muslim allies we had--and have, although this administration is throwing them under the bus--that we have in northern Afghanistan, the Northern Alliance, those in the Balochistan area of Pakistan. We've got Muslim friends all over the world. We have Muslim friends in this country who love the freedom here, who don't want to see this country hurt.
   But there are those who have contributed to terrorism. There are those who have come here from other countries who hope to see our demise. My brother, who was living out north of the beltway, was shocked on 9/11, that afternoon, to see in a Muslim area north of the beltway children jumping and yelling and rejoicing over the deaths of Americans in the Pentagon and in the 9/11 towers. There was a time when Americans would have had more sensitivity than that. They would be so grateful to be in America they would not rejoice in the loss of innocent lives by Islamic jihadists.
   The 9/11 Commission, bipartisan as it was, came to conclusions--with all of which I don't agree--but they made a very good-faith effort. They came to the conclusion about certain things, and it was clear that the actions of the terrorists that killed over 3,000 Americans were those of Islamic extremists, not rank-and-file, but Islamic extremists who believed that jihad meant the destruction of our way of life here in America, of Americans as infidels because they do not believe the same way.
   Who would have believed that 10 1/2 years later the mean people would not be those who have refused to denounce terrorist activities, those groups who have not only refused to denounce terrorist activity but who have actually supported terrorist activity through Hamas and Hezbollah--known terrorist organizations--and against whom there is sufficient evidence, as found by a district court in Texas and by the Federal Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, sufficient evidence to move forward with the case. That's because the judge in the district court, Judge Solis, and the Fifth Circuit agreed that there was prima facia evidence of Muslim groups here in America who were named but unindicted coconspirators in funding terrorism, ``prima facia'' meaning adequate evidence to basically go forward. In fact, the words ``prima facia'' were used by Judge Solis in his decision.
   Well, the FBI, over the years, seems to have relaxed in some regards, wanting to avoid being called Islamophobic, as the 57 Islamic states have shoved that notion further and further across our Nation, have pushed to meet one of their 10-year stated goals, as found in the materials of the Muslim Brotherhood archives found across the river in Virginia in a subbasement.
   One of those goals was to subvert--actually subject the U.S. Constitution to sharia law; and the way to do that was to force a pronouncement that in America you could burn a Bible, you could put a cross in urine, you could call Christians all kinds of names, blaspheme Jesus Christ, you can burn an American flag, call the American Government all kinds of names, but under no circumstances should anyone defile a Koran.
   As a Christian, I do not think anyone should ever abuse a Koran in any way. But the Constitution says if somebody wants to burn a Bible, that's been interpreted to mean you can burn a Bible. It's a freedom of speech issue. If you want to burn a flag, we're told you can do that.
   Well, we had the Director of the FBI come before our Judiciary Committee in the not-too-distant past. And these are some of the documents that have been involved in the prosecution of the Holy Land Foundation in which groups like the Islamic Society of North America, CAIR, others, were named coconspirators. In any event, Director Mueller, March 16 of last year, before our Judiciary Committee, had testified in answer to a number of questions that, gosh, they viewed the Muslim community as absolutely the same as any other community, even those Muslim communities that rejoiced over 9/11--he didn't say this, but it was clear--that rejoiced over the deaths of Americans on 9/11. They saw them just like every other community. He also testified about the positive outreach that the FBI had been making to Muslim communities.
   Well, I don't have a problem with that, but why would the FBI see the need to make positive outreach into any community of a specific nature?
   So, after Director Mueller had indicated, yes, we have this wonderful outreach program with the Muslim communities and those communities are exactly like every other community, I said:
   You had mentioned earlier--and it is in your written statement--that the FBI has developed extensive outreach to Muslim communities. And in answer to an earlier question, I understood you to say that Muslim communities were like all other communities. So I'm curious, as a result of the extensive outreach program the FBI has had to the Muslim community, how has your outreach program gone with the Baptists and the Catholics?
   Mr. Mueller said:
   I am not certain of necessarily the thrust of that question. I would say that our outreach to all segments of a particular city or county or society is good.
   I said:
   Well, do you have a particular program of outreach to Hindus, Buddhists, Jewish community, agnostics, or is it just an extensive outreach program to----
   He interrupted and said:
   We have outreach to every one of those communities.
   I asked how he did that. And he started to filibuster. I said:
   I have looked extensively, and I haven't seen anywhere in any one from the FBI's letters information that there has been an extensive outreach program to any other community trying to develop trust in this kind of relationship, and it makes me wonder if there is an issue of trust or some problem like that that the FBI has seen in that particular community.
   
[Time: 20:20]
   And just so there's no mistaking, let me just read directly from the judge's opinion in the Holy Land Foundation case in response to the effort by ISNA, CAIR, NAIT, the Holy Land Foundation, and others.
   The judge said:
   The government has produced ample evidence to establish the associations of CAIR, ISNA, and NAIT with the Holy Land Foundation, the Islamic Association for Palestine, and with Hamas. While the Court recognizes that the evidence produced by the government largely predates the HLF designation date, the evidence is nonetheless sufficient to show the association of these entities with the Holy Land Foundation, the Islamic Association for Palestine, and Hamas.
   There was plenty of evidence to support that, according to the judge. That was affirmed by the Fifth Circuit.
   It is important to note that, out of concern for the FBI's outreach program, and the State Department, and the White House, for reaching out and bringing in people who courts have said have supported terrorism, and these people are being brought in--in the military we said brought inside the wire--in this case, brought inside the State Department, brought inside The White House on a regular basis, brought inside the Justice Department, my friend, Frank Wolf, had this language added to the continuing resolution that was passed, that President Obama signed into law. This is language in the law, and my friend, Mr. Wolf, included it to reference the FBI's policy.
   It says, and this is the language in the law:
   Conferees support the FBI's policy prohibiting any formal non-investigative cooperation with unindicted coconspirators in terrorism cases. The conferees expect the FBI to insist on full compliance with this policy by FBI field offices, and to report to the Committees on Appropriations regarding any violation of the policy.
   Well, guess what? We didn't get this from the FBI. We had to get it from the Islamic Society of North America's own Web site. They reported that on Wednesday, February 8, that's this year, the American Arab Anti-discrimination Committee, the Arab American
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Institute, the Interfaith Alliance, the Islamic Society of North America, ISNA, which has been pronounced by the Fifth Circuit as having plenty of evidence to support that they fund terrorism and have, and then it mentions other groups, including the Shoulder-to-Shoulder Campaign.
   But they, it says:
   They had an opportunity to discuss the matter with the Public Affairs Office of the FBI. Director Robert Mueller joined the meeting to discuss these matters with representatives from the organizations.
   The conversation with Director Mueller centered on material used by the agency that depicts falsehoods and negative connotations of the Muslim American community. The use of the material was first uncovered by Wired magazine.
   And that was uncovered by an organization that seems to be right in there with those who were unindicted but named coconspirators in funding terrorism.
   Well, from ISNA they say:
   Director Mueller informed the participants that the FBI took the review of the training material very seriously, and he pursued the matter with urgency to ensure that this does not occur again in the future.
   ISNA President Imam Magid, who's a frequent visitor to the White House, who the White House consults on speeches, or has, and welcomed to the inner sanctum of the State Department, other Departments here in Washington, Magid stated:
   The discovery of FBI training materials that discriminated against Muslims did damage to the trust that was built between dedicated FBI officials and the American Muslim community. We welcome and appreciate Director Mueller's commitment to take positive steps toward eradicating such materials and rebuilding trust in an open dialogue.
   The director also informed participants that to date, nearly all related FBI training materials, including more than 160,000 pages of documents, were reviewed by subject matter experts multiple times. Consequently, more than 700 documents, 300 presentations of material, have been deemed unusable by the Bureau and pulled from the training curriculum. Material was pulled from the curriculum if even one component was deemed to include factual errors or be in poor taste or be stereotypical, or lack precision.
   I guess stereotypical would mean if they point out that terrorists have had one thing in common, that that would be stereotypical.
   Well, ISNA also reports:
   It was clear to all meeting participants that the issue of trust between community members and the FBI needs to be taken seriously by all our nation's decisionmakers. It was evident the Bureau must strengthen its efforts to build trust.
   How about trust from the other side? How about condemnation of terrorist acts?
   How about coming out and making clear all ties have been severed with Hamas and Hezbollah and those who would seek to make terror on innocent people?
   Anyway, ISNA's rejoicing because they've gotten the FBI to actually go through and cull material that includes words like jihad, words like Islamist.
   And, in fact, and I really do wish, Mr. Speaker, that our Director of the FBI would be as concerned about this law as he is about laws that don't exist, but his concern is about offending people who have been supporting terrorism that has been killing innocent people around the world.
   Instead, this is what we have as a result of the efforts by this administration and the Director of the FBI. The 9/11 Commission report mentioned 322 times Islam because the people who were the hijackers, the people that planned the attacks, that hoped that they would kill tens of thousands of Americans instead of 3,000, those who helped train them in Afghanistan, those who helped plan and participate from other radical Islamist groups, they were Islamists. They believed in Islam. And thank God that they only represent a tiny percentage of Muslims around the world. But let's be realistic. As one intelligence officer said, we are blinding ourselves to being able to see who our enemy is.
   Well, our FBI can be very, very proud. No longer in training materials, as the director told the named coconspirator of terrorism, ISNA, no longer are they going to mention Islam, Muslim, jihad, enemy. They don't mention the Muslim Brotherhood. They don't mention Hamas. They don't mention Hezbollah. They don't mention al Qaeda. They don't mention caliphate. They don't mention sharia law.
   Those have been wiped clean from our training materials so that new FBI trainees, people coming in, will have no idea exactly what they're facing because they're being told, you must look only at a group as supporting heightened violence. But you cannot examine their books, things that mean very much to them, things that motivate these killers, these terrorists. You can't look at the things and their interpretations, what makes them tick.
   How do you defeat an enemy if you cannot look at what makes them think the way they do? I would think that groups, our Muslim friends who want to help keep this country free, instead of demanding that we not realize that these are Islamic jihadists that want to kill us, that they would be out there pointing these people out publicly and condemning them. Instead, they're condemning those who simply want to protect America, who want to live in peace, want to live in freedom.
   
[Time: 20:30]
   Imagine what these same kind of groups would have said if they had heard the prayer on D-day, live? Can you imagine these groups hearing Franklin Roosevelt's prayer on radio as he prayed for 6-to-10 minutes publicly, a prayer that you can find online?
   Almighty God: Our sons, pride of our Nation, this day have set up on a mighty endeavor, a struggle to preserve our Republic, our religion, and our civilization to set free a suffering humanity.
   He goes on and prays for a very long time on D-day as our troops were trying to retake Europe.
   He also says in his prayer:
   And, O Lord, give us faith. Give us faith in Thee; faith in our sons; faith in each other; faith in our crusade. Let not the keenness of our spirit ever be dulled. Let not the impacts of temporary events, of temporal matters of but fleeting moment--let not these deter us in our unconquerable purpose. With Thy blessing, we shall prevail over the unholy forces of our enemy.
   Back then, Roosevelt didn't know you couldn't call your enemy that wanted to take over your Nation, that wanted to kill innocent people, that wanted to take away your liberty, Roosevelt didn't know you couldn't call them unholy forces of our enemy. So he used those terms because he cared about America. He cared about protecting America.
   We want to live in peace. We want to live in peace with our Muslim friends, our Hindu friends, our agnostics, our atheists. But for heaven's sake, do not keep blinding our intelligence community, our justice community.
   There was a time when in America you could call things just as they were, and in the Revolution one of the most quoted statements was attributed to Voltaire:
   I disagree with what you say but will defend to the death your right to say it.
   Now, when someone disagrees with what you say, they want to destroy your life, destroy your livelihood.
   It's time for America to wake up before we get hit again. We have people in this country who are supporting terrorism. There's prima facie evidence to establish it; the courts have found it. This administration refused to pursue it when the evidence was clearly there, refused to pursue these people; and instead of pursuing the unindicted coconspirators after the convictions and the Holy Land Foundation--oh, sure, this administration says, Well, the Bush administration wasn't going to. The Bush administration was going to pursue the unindicted coconspirators if they got convictions in the Holy Land Foundation trial, which they did, near the end of 2008.
   It's this administration that refused to go forward and prosecute anyone further.
   So instead of prosecuting people supporting terrorism, this administration calls them into the White House, calls them into the Justice Department and says why can't we be friends.
   It's time to wake up. We owe this country a defense with our eyes open, with our arms and heart open to help those who really are helpless, but to stand firm even to the death as our serv ice mem bers are pledged to do, as I did my 4 years on active duty. Let's stand firm together until those who are intent on destroying us and supporting
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terrorism are made to account and back off and say we're no longer your enemy. Then all communities can worship and love as one.
   We've got to protect America.
   With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.